France angry: What election results mean for France and the Globe | Geopolitical Monitor TOU

France angry: What election results mean for France and the Globe |  Geopolitical Monitor


France angry: What election results mean for France and the Globe | Geopolitical Monitor

“Angry France” (France is angry). Over the past two years, the line has appeared on signboards, websites, social media and on the lips of a large number of politicians and the public. French arises from fire Fixed wages, Income inequality which has been increasing since 2000Insulated elite class and opaque bureaucracy that made what can be described as great payback.

The first round of the French presidential election confirms that the political and economic pressure cooker has closed its lid. While it was not immigration or political identity on the minds of French voters, the results should send shockwaves through the political establishment, that far-right candidates out-polled incumbent President Emmanuel Macron and cast socialist and Gaulist parties, fixtures. Irrelevance in French political culture. Hallouts from traditional French political parties, which began in 2016, continue.

Macron has dropped dramatically. He entered power at the age of 39, running against 11 candidates and defeating his main rival Marine Le Pen. His political party, La R એનpublique en Marche, has been described as a “democratic revolution”, winning 308 of 577 seats in parliamentary elections. However, optimism for a revolution has been dampened by voter turnout in 2017 Was the lowest in French history. Macron has joined a league of politicians who have tried and failed to reform the French political and economic system.

In 2017, Macron faced deep Euro-skepticism, distrust of the benefits of neo-liberal economics and the feeling that as a former finance ministry technocrat and investment banker with Rothschild and Sea Bank, he was president for the rich. In this illustration, there is a macron Faced with the ‘Yellow West’ movement And then the Covid-19 epidemic, which gained previous traction as inequality in French society, became undeniable and clear.

There is some past relevance to Sunday’s first round of the French presidential election. Voting and momentum could change the course of both French democracy and the direction of Europe. Macron topped the first round with 28.5 percent of the vote, compared to Le Pen’s 23.6 percent, while the biggest shocks of the night were the very low scores of both the Republican candidate Valerie Packers and the Socialist Party candidate and the mayor of Paris. Anne Hidalgo, who received only 2 percent of the vote. The performance of the Green Party (Europe Ecology-less Wars) at was also notable Only 4.63 percent, Because the environment was listed as being at the top of the concerns of French voters. As Macron’s decision to raise diesel prices gave impetus to the Yellow West movement, the lessons of the first round are clear: economic inequality is fueling voter sentiment and a growing number of French people consider the elite out of touch.

The trouble now for Macron is that the early polls after Sunday’s election show that the race is very close 51-49 percent in favor of Macron. Like Donald Trump in the United States, Rodrigo Duterte in the Philippines, and Narendra Modi in India, France risked retaliation against political parties. French voters have shown little concern Russia’s credit to Le Pen’s political party, Or the fact that she visited Moscow before the 2017 elections. Her five-point increase shows that her past has not harmed her future.

According to the White House, her future could undo the international system, which is concerned about Le Pen’s victory. NATO will unveil the alliance. Le Pen’s victory will be the second domino to fall in the election series Putin-backed Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban Won fourth consecutive term on April 3rd. Again, French voters are not so concerned with the right or the left, as Le Pen was almost knocked out by leftist Jean-Luc Melanchon. A prominent NATO skeptic. He recently called NATO an “archaic” organization that should be dissolved by the end of the Cold War. Anti-internationalism sentiment may be high in France.

In 1994, President Bill Clinton sarcastically stated that “the American people deserve a government that respects their values ​​and spends their money judiciously, and rewards people who work hard and follow the rules.” Giving.” When it comes to welfare reform, his era witnessed the hallout of the American economy, as free trade agreements violated human rights principles and pushed China into the economic spotlight. Those who warned against globalization were ridiculed.

It was ironic because Clinton was the anti-NAFTA crusader. Ross was the beneficiary of Parrot, who had a share of the vote. President George HW Bush is likely to be seated And Clinton’s presidency began. Global opponents will strike again in 1996, and return in 2016. Macron and the West should balance themselves once again.

This new decade promises to be an age of anxiety rather than an age of other causes. The post-Kovid panic about economic recovery, the return of the Taliban to Afghanistan, and the horrific war in Ukraine is enough to cripple or discourage voters. Proof of this is Le Pen’s chances and Donald Trump’s possible re-election in 2024. Macron, if re-elected, will not be able to ease tensions as his reformist agenda, delayed by Covid-19, will once again become a battleground. Others are in a similar situation. Of Boris Johnson Approval ratings are 30 percent And President Biden’s presidency Called “cursed”

The ability of right-wingers in France to first unite and strategically soften their message in order to attract and expand their appeal is a lesson that cannot be overlooked. Nationalism has overtaken globalism, both economically and politically, and Wright has always been better off wrapping himself in the sacred and nostalgic shroud of the past. Nostalgia is the exercise of the chosen memory, but it is difficult to name a country without mythology. Center-left political parties in the United States and Great Britain narrowed their messages to appeal to urban elite professionals, leaving the traditional working class electorate. Of Hillary Clinton “Basket of sorrows” The statement in which she described Trump supporters as “racist, sexist, homophobic, xenophobic, Islamophobic” was strategically suicidal.

In France, Le Pen’s strength was in parts of the country where jobs were outsourced. With a glorious history of coal mining and setting for Emil Zola’s best-selling epic novel Germinal, the north is Le Pen’s stronghold. What is true in northern France is imitated in West Virginia, the Rust Belt, as well as in Manchester or Liverpool.

Le Pen and, to a large extent, Eric Zemmur have played anti-Muslim / anti-immigration cards. No one can win a majority on this one issue because right-wing democracies have so many complex drivers. In The words of an analyst“Migration does not have to be quantitatively significant to affect the media and political discourse. ‘Fictional’ migration can be equally divisive. The role of social media and misinformation in spreading fear cannot be underestimated. Unethical politicians can create fear and real And fantasy can build walls both ways. What would France and Europe look like at the end of the decade if Le Pen wins?

In conclusion, victory or defeat, Marine Le Pen’s ability to stay in a statistical tie for the presidency of the French Republic and the inability of the left and traditional political parties to create a platform to visualize the messages that the election wins put in liberal order. The post-war system threatens and threatens to unravel what was created to anger the forces of extremism. The main moment of France is also ours.

Paul d. Scott is a professor at the Catholic University of Lille in France. He is a Sino-Japanese expert who also works extensively on conflict resolution issues, teaching in the undergraduate program at Jaume I University in Castello, Spain..

Mark S. Kogan is an associate professor of peace and conflict studies at Kansai Gadai University in Osaka, Japan, and is a former United Nations communications expert.

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