A Comparative Analysis of Political Corruption in Japan and South Korea – Geopolitics
Transparency International (TI), a globally renowned anti-corruption NGO, publishes the Corruption Perception Index (CPI) every year. The index ranks countries by their alleged levels of public sector corruption. A country with a high index shows a low level of corruption. for example, As of 2021, Japan’s score is 73 and South Korea’s score is 62, which means South Korea is ‘more corrupt’ than Japan. According to TI, over the past decade, among the Northeast Asian democracies, Japan has the highest score on CPI while South Korea has the lowest. Therefore, it makes sense to compare the political corruption in these two countries to determine why South Korea is more corrupt than Japan and whether the CPI is reliable in its assessment.
On March 10, 2022, South Korean conservative politician Yoon Seok-yol was elected president, narrowly defeating his rival Lee Jae-mung, who has a more progressive political outlook than President Moon Jae-in. Yoon is from the People’s Power Party (PPP) and Lee and Moon are from the Democratic Party of Korea (DPK). The two parties represent the main conservative and liberal political camps in South Korea, respectively. During the election, the two camps used abusive language against each other. Some feared that the loser would be arrested. When Yun’s victory was confirmed, he Vertical speculation Will Moon be arrested on charges of “political corruption” like other former presidents such as Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye. Allegations of corruption against opponents from other political camps are an essential means of political conflict in South Korea, resulting in dramatic political changes.
Professor Lee Chung-hee argues That the presidents of South Korea have the characteristics of a ‘royal president’. The term “imperial presidency” is used to describe US presidents from the 1950s to the 1970s. During the Cold War, they had more extraordinary powers to deal with the threat of communism. Some were criticized for abusing their power. In South Korea, given the serious security threat from the North, the presidents have extraordinary powers. The lack of adequate checks and balances on the powers of the South Korean president is one of the primary reasons behind most of the corruption scandals.
Compared to South Korea, Japan is unlikely to see dramatic political changes, especially in the face of accusations of corruption involving top leaders, given the Liberal Democratic Party’s (LDP) long rule, a big tent of conservatism. Different groups Or habatsu, With each central figure. Prior to the political reforms in 1994, the dominant position of the LDP led to many political corruption scandals, such as Lockheed bribery scams. Financial assistance may be provided directly to a group or individual politician, rather than to the LDP headquarters. However, to protect the party’s reputation and unity, the group’s leaders are unlikely to accuse each other of corruption. Furthermore, unlike South Korea, it is difficult for Japanese opposition parties to fight the LDP with allegations of corruption. I do not suggest that South Korean politicians frequently make false accusations in order to gain political grounds, but rather the low probability of a transfer of political power in Japan will inevitably lead to a situation where political corruption becomes more difficult for outsiders to find and protest. To start the parties fee.
Political corruption exists in all forms of government. In a democracy, the most common cause of political corruption is elections and political party funding, which creates opportunities for corrupt politicians to take money illegally. Large businesses can send illegal financial aid to politicians for profit. Notably, Japan and South Korea have a tradition of close ties between big business and government. This is the tradition of right-wing governments that interfered in the national economy during the Cold War. Japan and South Korea promoted post-WWII economic recovery and growth through a series of industrial projects. Large industries and governments maintained close ties through channels such as industrial policy, political contributions, and personal relationships.
An example of the close relationship between big business and the Japanese government. “Amakudari”, Which means‘ lineage from heaven ’. In this case, many senior bureaucrats retire to high-profile positions in the private sector. As a result, many earn higher salaries without working. Public opinion sees this as a form of political corruption. As a result, Japan passed a law in 2007 banning the activity. However, it is prevalent in Japan, as it is more obscure and made to appear ‘legal’.
In South Korea, many Chebol, Meaning ‘rich family’, owns most of the country’s wealth. Many are involved in political corruption scandals in South Korea Chebol. For example, the Samsung Group sponsored former President Lee Myung-bak’s covert smear campaign against his political opponents. In addition, the Samsung Group was involved in the 2016 political scandal involving former President Park Geun-hye.
This Chebol [1945માંકોરિયનદ્વીપકલ્પનેજાપાનથીસ્વતંત્રતામળ્યાપછીઝડપથીવિકાસથયોખાનગીસાહસનાવિકાસમાટેજમણેરીસરકારેભૂતપૂર્વવસાહતીઓનીઘણીમિલકતોઅનેવિદેશીસહાયનેઆપીચેબોલ. 1987 માં દક્ષિણ કોરિયાના લોકશાહીકરણ પહેલા, વચ્ચેનો સંબંધ ચેબોલ અને સરકાર સ્યુડો બેલેન્સમાં હતી. જો કે, લોકશાહીકરણે સરકારની સત્તામાં ઘટાડો કર્યો પરંતુ નહીં ચેબોલ. દક્ષિણ કોરિયામાં રાજકીય ભ્રષ્ટાચારનું આ મુખ્ય કારણ છે.
નું જાપાનીઝ સંસ્કરણ ચેબોલ છે ઝૈબાત્સુ. તેઓ 19 ના અંતમાં મેઇજી રિસ્ટોરેશન દરમિયાન પ્રસિદ્ધિ પામ્યામી સદી કેટલાક, જેમ કે મિત્સુબિશી અને મિત્સુઇ, ભારે ઉદ્યોગ સાથે સંકળાયેલા હતા, જે શાહી જાપાની સેના માટે શસ્ત્રોનું ઉત્પાદન કરતા હતા. WWII દરમિયાન, ધ ઝૈબાત્સુ સામ્રાજ્યના વિસ્તરણવાદને ટેકો આપ્યો. આથી, યુ.એસ. કબજેદાર દળોએ યુદ્ધ પછી તેમની શક્તિ મર્યાદિત કરી. અમેરિકનોએ વિભાજનનું વર્ણન કર્યું ઝૈબાત્સુ જાપાનના ‘આર્થિક લોકશાહીકરણ’ તરફના એક આવશ્યક પગલા તરીકે નાની સંસ્થાઓમાં. પરિણામે, જાપાનીઝ ઝૈબાત્સુ કોરિયન જેટલા શક્તિશાળી નથી ચેબોલ.
દક્ષિણ કોરિયાની રાજનીતિનું ધ્રુવીકરણ ગુસ્સે થયેલા મતદારો તરફ દોરી જાય છે અને અન્ય શિબિરના ઉમેદવારો પર ભ્રષ્ટાચારનો આરોપ લગાવે છે. જો કે, જાપાની મતદારોનો સંસ્થાકીય અવિશ્વાસ પ્રગટ થાય છે ઓછું મતદાનખાસ કરીને વચ્ચે યુવા મતદારો. રાજકીય ભાગીદારી માટે ઓછો જાપાની ઉત્સાહ રાજકીય ભ્રષ્ટાચારની ઉચ્ચ સહનશીલતા તરફ દોરી જાય છે. જ્યારે રાજકીય ભ્રષ્ટાચારની ટીકા કરવા માટે થોડા લોકો આગળ આવે છે, ત્યારે દેશ કદાચ ‘ઓછો ભ્રષ્ટ’ લાગે છે. તેથી, આપણે જાહેર ક્ષેત્રના ભ્રષ્ટાચારને રેન્કિંગમાં CPI કરતાં વધુ ધ્યાનમાં લેવું જોઈએ.
Anchen Lane is currently pursuing an MSc in Asian Politics from the University of London’s School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS). He holds a BA in International Studies from the University of Nottingham and an MA in Politics and Contemporary History. The opinions and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author.